The Federal Model
Belgium is a nation marked by deep cleavages. Initially conceived as a unitary state, power was concentrated in Brussels. Eventually, social, economic, and political developments necessitated a new system of governance. A series of constitutional revisions, or state reforms, have transformed Belgium into a federal system.
The country is divided into the three regions of Dutch-speaking Flanders, French-speaking Wallonia, and the Bilingual Brussels Capital. These regions manage policy areas such as trade, housing, infrastructure, and the environment. In addition, three language-based communities, the Flemish, French, and German-speaking, were created to oversee cultural and educational affairs. These reforms have granted significant autonomy to both regions and communities, allowing them to pass laws and govern through their own parliamentary systems.
As a result, Belgium has ceded most areas of everyday administration to the regions and communities. While this devolution helps to manage linguistic and cultural tensions between Flemings and Walloons, it also reinforces the phenomenon of “pillarization” in society. The absence of national political parties further reflects the deep-rooted divisions within the country’s political landscape. National unity is often felt only in symbolic or cultural domains, such as football, beer, and the monarchy.
Regional Snapshots
Flanders has outpaced Wallonia in economic growth, and has enjoyed higher GDP and economic health for decades. This has contributed to the Flemish perception that the state “funds” the operation of Wallonia through federal fiscal equalization methods. Furthermore, nationalist parties are more common in Flanders, thereby intensifying political demands for further decentralization and less interregional ties. Within Flanders there is a dynamic geographic acceptance of regionalist parties, from major port city Antwerp to former coal mining city Hasselt.
Wallonia has struggled with deindustrialization and economic growth. Once a powerhouse of coal and steel, cities such as Liege and Charleroi display traces of their industrial past. The decline of heavy industry left the region with mismatched labor services. This has created a political climate where the traditional left parties still find strong support, and reforms perceived as neoliberal are viewed with suspicion. Despite regional autonomy in these matters, they remain with the highest unemployment and lowest general development.
EU institutions in Brussels have created a national, continental, and international capital. Brussels sits somewhat above the fray of regional tension due to the high number of European and international residents who live in the city. The cosmopolitan nature of the city is a sign that multilingualism can exist in Belgium; with an important caveat that schools and social services are performed in either French or Dutch.
Political Opportunities
Belgium’s highly federalized system has produced competing visions for the country’s future. Although regions exercise significant autonomy, efforts to maintain national cohesion and collaboration are conflicted. The dominance of regional parties results in protracted and complex coalition governments that must carefully navigate their regional bases alongside the practical needs of governing at the national level.
The most recent federal elections of 2024 reflect changing regional political preferences. In Flanders, the two largest regional parties have actively campaigned on separating from the state. The New Flemish Alliance has proposed a confederal state, while the extreme Vlaams Belang calls for immediate secession. With new Prime Minister Bart De Wever of the NVA, the extreme structural reform that most Flemings desire is more likely to occur. Responses in Brussels and Wallonia demonstrate an apprehension to his newest budget that limits welfare benefits.
Pathways to Reform
Reform in Belgium may not necessarily need to be imported. Nestled in the far east of the country lies the German speaking provinces of Eupen-Malmedy. With only 80,000 citizens, the community represents less than 1% of the national population. However, their recent citizen deliberative panels are an intriguing step in direct democracy. Establishing direct citizen to parliament links within regional political systems offers a form of localized participation that operates outside the usual framework of regional competition.
By focusing on local deliberation rather than identity based partisanship, such assemblies can foster a more inclusive political culture rooted in shared concerns rather than territorial divides. This is especially salient in Brussels, due to the bilingual status of the region and existence of ethnically dominated municipalities. Over time, cross-border citizen panels and groups can form to create new avenues of collaboration and reform.
At a broader level, it is notable how few Belgians are proficient in both French and Dutch, reflecting the persistent linguistic divides within the country. An estimated 75% of Flemings consider their French proficiency to be adequate, whereas only about 25% of Walloons report a comparable level of skill in Dutch. For a multilingual nation to govern successfully, language must serve as a unifying force. One can take inspiration from the Swiss, Finnish, and Spanish models.
Since cultural communities govern linguistic affairs, it is essential to provide training and resources; such as tailored curriculum and qualified teachers, to support the integration and knowledge of Dutch, French, and even German into regional schools.
By focusing on collaboration instead of rivalry, and encouraging active citizen engagement rather than partisan divides, Belgium can start to mend the fragmenting tendencies within its political system. Reform in Belgium does not mean recentralization, but rather reinvention. Federalism can exist as a living, participatory framework rather than a rigid division of powers.
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